Russia today is considered an alleged enemy of the European Union. There is a prejudice about Russia’s role and place in the world. No one is raising the question of the withdrawal of American tactical weapons from their territory. In practice, there are no measures [to that end] – neither from Germany nor from Italy. Furthermore, Poland is prepared to receive and use American arsenals. This is the modern world without illusions. It is hardly worth expecting a convergence of positions if one of the parties does not want it. In this situation, Russia can only rely on itself.
It is necessary to remind about the events taking place before the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed. Western European countries, primarily, the UK and France, allowed Hitler to revive a strong army and a mighty industrial military complex. And already in 1934, after signing the Non-Aggression Pact with Germany, Poland had become a silent partner of Berlin in its aggressive actions.
This message is part of the Kremlin’s policy of historical revisionism and an attempt to erode the disastrous historical role of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact by making statements that the USSR was forced to sign this pact; that other European countries signed various international agreements with Adolf Hitler, that the Munich Agreement triggered WWII and various historical conspiracies saying that the Western democracies wanted to inspire a war between Nazism and Communism.
Military cooperation with the USSR was the main way that Weimar Germany could overcome the Versailles’ restrictions. The military technologies developed on the territory of the USSR in the 1920s and beginning of the 1930s became the foundation for Hitler’s industrial-military complex in the 1930s. The Soviet-German military cooperation started after the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922, allowing Germany to overcome the Versailles’ restrictions on the development of the German Army and the industrial-military complex. The facts of the Soviet-German military cooperation throughout the 1920s and beginning of the 1930s are well-documented, despite the attempts of the authorities of the Weimar Republic to hide it.
For example, many important German military technologies were developed and tested on the territory of the USSR throughout the 1920s and beginning of the 30s. For example, Junkers constructed air planes near Moscow; Krupp worked on artillery projects near Rostov-on-Don; future Luftwaffe staff trained at the Lipetsk fighter-pilot school and Reichswehr used the Kama tank school for its needs, etc.
It is impossible to state that Poland was “a Nazi ally” because it signed the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact in 1934. First, unlike the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, it was a standard international agreement aimed at the mutual recognition of borders and a declaration that existing political contradictions would be solved through diplomatic means. There is no historical evidence that this pact contained any secret protocols, which assumed common aggressive actions of Germany and Poland against the USSR or other countries. Moreover, the pact did not include any agreements on advanced political, economic and military relations between Poland and Germany. Secondly, in 1934, the plans of Hitler were still unknown, so all European countries carried out normal diplomatic relations with Germany. Before WWII, Poland had tense political relations with Nazi Germany, which expressed open territorial claims on Poland (revision of the status of the Free City of Danzig and control over the “Polish Corridor”). Despite intense political pressure from Hitler, Poland consistently refused to become part of the Nazi block.